Spiro Theodore Agnew: Television News Coverage i think it's oby ious from the cameras here that i didn ' t come to discuss the ban on cyclamates or DDT. I have a subject which i think if of great importance to the American people. Tonight I want to discuss the importance of the television news medium to the American people. No nation depends more on the intelligent judgment of its citizens. No medium has a more profound inf luence over public opinion. Now here in our system are there fewer checks on vast power. So, nowhere should there be more conscientious respons ib il ity exercised than by the news media The question is, "Are we demanding enough of our television news presentations? And are the men of this medium demanding enough of themselves? Monday night a week ago, pres ident Nixon de livered the most importa nt address of his Administration, one of the most important of our decade. His subject was Vietnam. My hope, as his at that time was to rally the america n people to see the conf lict through to a lasting and just peace in the Pacif ic. For 32 minutes, he reasoned with a nation that has suffered almost a third of a million cas ualties in the longest war in its history When the President completed his address--an address inc ident lly that he spent eeks in the preparation of --his words and policies were subjected to instant analys is and querulous criticism. The audience of 70 million Americans gathered to hear the President of the United States was inherited by a small band of network commentators and self -appointed a na lysts the majority of whom expressed in one way or another their hostility to what he had to say It was obvious that their minds were made up in advance. those who recall the fumbling and groping that followed President Johnson's dramatic disclosure of intention not to seek another term have seen these men in a genuine state of nonpreparedness. This was not it One commentator twice contradicted the President's statement about the excha nge of correspondence with Ho Chi Minh. another challenged the presidents abilities as a politician a third asserted that the president was follow ing a Pentagon line. Others, by the expressions on their faces the tone of their questions, and the sarcasm of their responses, made clear their sharp disap proval. To guarantee in advance that the president's plea for national unity would be challenged one network trotted out Averell Harriman for the occasion. Throughout the president' s address, he wa ited in the wings. when the preside nt concluded, mr Harriman recited perfectly. He attacked the thieu government as unrepresentative he critic ized the president's speech for various def iciencies he tw ice issued a call to the senate Foreign Relations Committee to debate Vietnam once again; he stated his belief that the Vietcong or North Vietnamese did not really want military
Spiro Theodore Agnew: Television News Coverage I think it's obvious f rom the cameras here that I didn't come to discuss the ban on cyclamates or DDT. I have a subject which I think if of great importance to the American people. Tonight I want to discuss the importance of the television news medium to the American people. No nation depends more on the intelligent judgment of its citizens. No medium has a more profound influence over public opinion. Nowhere in our system are there fewer checks on vast power. So, nowhere should there be more conscientious responsibility exercised than by the news media. The question is, "Are we demanding enough of our television news presentations?" "And are the men of this medium demanding enough of themselves?" Monday night a week ago, President Nixon delivered the most important address of his Administration, one of the most important of our decade. His subject was Vietnam. My hope, as his at that time, was to rally the American people to see the conflict through to a lasting and just peace in the Pacific. For 32 minutes, he reasoned with a nation that has suffered almost a third of a million casualties in the longest war in its history. When the President completed his address -- an address, incidentally, that he spent weeks in the preparation of -- his words and policies were subjected to instant analysis and querulous criticism. The audience of 70 million Americans gathered to hear the President of the United States was inherited by a small band of network commentators and self-appointed analysts, the majority of whom expressed in one way or another their hostility to what he had to say. It was obvious that their minds were made up in advance. Those who recall the fumbling and groping that followed President Johnson’s dramatic disclosure of his intention not to seek another term have seen these men in a genuine state of nonpreparedness. This was not it. One commentator twice contradicted the President’s statement about the exchange of correspondence with Ho Chi Minh. Another challenged the President’s abilities as a politician. A third asserted that the President was following a Pentagon line. Others, by the expressions on their faces, the tone of their questions, and the sarcasm of their responses, made clear their sharp disapproval. To guarantee in advance that the President’s plea for national unity would be challenged, one network trotted out Averell Harriman for the occasion. Throughout the President's address, he waited in the wings. When the President concluded, Mr. Harriman recited perfectly. He attacked the Thieu Government as unrepresentative; he criticized the President’s speech for various deficiencies; he twice issued a call to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee to debate Vietnam once again; he stated his belief that the Vietcong or North Vietnamese did not really want military
take-over of South Vietnam; and he told a little anecdote about avery, very esponsible"fellow he had met in the North Vietnamese delegation All in all, Mr. Harrison offered a broad range of gratuitous advice challenging and contradicting the polic ies outlined by the president of the United states. Where the President had issued a ca ll for unity Mr. Harriman was encouraging the country not to listen to him A word about Mr. Harriman. For 10 months he was America's chief negotia tor at the Paris peace talks --a period in which the United States swapped some of the greatest mil itary concessions in the history of warf are for an enemy agreement on the shape of the bargaining table. Like Coleridges Ancient Mariner, Mr. Harrima seems to be under some heavy compu ls ion to justify his failures to anyone who will listen and the networks have shown themselves willing to give him all the air time he desires Now every american has a right to disagree with the president of the United States and to express publicly that disagreement But the president of the United States has a right to communicate directly with the people who elected him and the people of this country have the right to make up their own minds and form their own opinions about a Presidential address without having a President's words and thoughts characterized through the prejudices of hostile critics before they can even hen Winston Churchill rallied public opinion to stay the course against Hitlers Germany, he didnt have to conte nd with a gaggle of commentators raising doubts about whether he was reading public opinion right or whether Britain had the stamina to see the war through. When president Kennedy rallied the nation in the Cuban missile crisis, his address to the people was not chewed over by a roundtable of critics who disparaged the course of action hed asked america to follow The purpose of my remarks tonight is to focus your attention on this little group of men who not only enjoy a right of instant rebuttal to every presidential address, but, more importantly wield a free hand in selecting presenting and interpreting the great issues in our nation First, let's def ine that power. At least 40 million Americans every night, it's estimated, watch the network news Seven million of them view A B C, the remainder being div ided between N B C. and C B.S. According to Harris polls and other studies for millions of Americans the networks are the sole source of national and world news. In Will Rogers observatio what you knew was what you read in the newspaper. Today for growing mil lions of Americans it's what they see and hear on their television sets Now how is this network news determined? A small group of men, numbering perhaps no more than a dozen anchormen commentators, and executive produce
take-over of South Vietnam; and he told a little anecdote about a “very, very responsible” fellow he had met in the North Vietnamese delegation. All in all, Mr. Harrison of fered a broad range of gratuitous advice challenging and contradicting the policies outlined by the President of the United States. Where the President had issued a call for unity, Mr. Harriman was encouraging the country not to listen to him. A word about Mr. Harriman. For 10 months he was America’s chief negotiator at the Paris peace talks -- a period in which the United States swapped some of the greatest military concessions in the history of warfare for an enemy agreement on the shape of the bargaining table. Like Coleridge’s Ancient Mariner, Mr. Harriman seems to be under some heavy compulsion to justify his failures to anyone who will listen. And the networks have shown themselves willing to give him all the air time he desires. Now every American has a right to disagree with the President of the United States and to express publicly that disagreement. But the President of the United States has a right to communicate directly with the people who elected him, and the people of this country have the right to make up their own minds and form their own opinions about a Presidential address without having a President’s words and thoughts characterized through the prejudices of hostile critics before they can even be digested. When Winston Churchill rallied public opinion to stay the course against Hitler’s Germany, he didn’t have to contend with a gaggle of commentators raising doubts about whether he was reading public opinion right, or whether Britain had the stamina to see the war through. When President Kennedy rallied the nation in the Cuban missile crisis, his address to the people was not chewed over by a roundtable of critics who disparaged the course of action he’d asked America to follow. The purpose of my remarks tonight is to focus your attention on this little group of men who not only enjoy a right of instant rebuttal to every Presidential address, but, more importantly, wield a f ree hand in selecting, presenting, and interpreting the great issues in our nation. First, let’s define that power. At least 40 million Americans every night, it’s estimated, watch the network news. Seven million of them view A.B.C., the remainder being divided between N.B.C. and C.B.S. According to Harris polls and other studies, f or millions of Americans the networks are the sole source of national and world news. In Will Roger’s observation, what you knew was what you read in the newspaper. Today for growing millions of Americans, it’s what they see and hear on their television sets. Now how is this network news determined? A small group of men, numbering perhaps no more than a dozen anchormen, commentators, and executive producers
settle upon the 20 minutes or so of film and commentary that's to reach the public This selection is made from the 90 to 180 minutes that may be available. Their powers of choice are broad They decide what 40 to 50 million Americans will learn of the day s events in the nation and in the world. We cannot measure this power and inf luence by the traditional democratic standards for these men can create national issues overnig ht They can make or break by their coverage and commentary a moratorium on the war. They can elevate men from obscurity to national prominence within a week They can reward some politicians with national exposure and ignore others For millions of Americans the network reporter who covers a continuing issue--like the ABM or civil rights -- becomes, in effect the presiding judge in a national trial by Jury. It must be recognized that the networks have made important contributions to the national know ledge -- through news, documentaries, and specia Is. They have of ten used their power constructively and creatively to awaken the public conscience to critical problems. The networks made hunger and black lung disease natio nal issues overnight. The Tv networks have done what no other medium could have done in terms of dramatizing the horrors of war. The networks have tackled our most dif f icult social problems with a directness and an imme diacy that's the gift of their medium. They focus the nations attention on its environmental abuses --on pollution in the Great Lakes and the threatened ecology of the Everglades. But it was also the networks that elevated stokely Carmichael and george Lincoln Rockwell from obscurity to national prominence Nor is their power conf ined to the substa ntive. a raised eyebrow an inf lection of the voice, a caustic remark dropped in the middle of a broadcast can raise doubts in a million minds about the veracity of a public official or the wisdom of a Government policy. One Federal Communications Commissioner considers the powers of the networks equal to that of local, state, and Federal Governments all combined Certainly it represents a concentration of power over American public opinion unknown in history Now what do americans know of the men who wield this power Of the men who produce and direct the network news the nation knows practica lly nothing. Of the commentators, most Americans know little other than that they ref lect an urbane and assured presence seemingly well-informed on every important matter. We do know that to a man these commentators and producers live and work in the geographical and intellectual conf ines of Washington, D. C. or New York City, the latter of which James Reston terms the most unrepresentative community in the entire United States Both communities bask in their own provincia lism, their own parochialism
settle upon the 20 minutes or so of film and commentary that’s to reach the public. This selection is made f rom the 90 to 180 minutes that may be available. Their powers of choice are broad. They decide what 40 to 50 million Americans will learn of the day’s events in the nation and in the world. We cannot measure this power and influence by the traditional democratic standards, for these men can create national issues overnight. They can make or break by their coverage and commentary a moratorium on the war. They can elevate men f rom obscurity to national prominence within a week. They can reward some politicians with national exposure and ignore others. For millions of Americans the network reporter who covers a continuing issue -- like the ABM or civil rights -- becomes, in effect, the presiding judge in a national trial by jury. It must be recognized that the networks have made important contributions to the national knowledge -- through news, documentaries, and specials. They have of ten used their power constructively and creatively to awaken the public conscience to critical problems. The networks made hunger and black lung disease national issues overnight. The TV networks have done what no other medium could have done in terms of dramatizing the horrors of war. The networks have tackled our most dif ficult social problems with a directness and an immediacy that’s the gif t of their medium. They focus the nation’s attention on its environmental abuses -- on pollution in the Great Lakes and the threatened ecology of the Everglades. But it was also the networks that elevated Stokely Carmichael and George Lincoln Rockwell f rom obscurity to national prominence. Nor is their power confined to the substantive. A raised eyebrow, an inflection of the voice, a caustic remark dropped in the middle of a broadcast can raise doubts in a million minds about the veracity of a public official or the wisdom of a Government policy. One Federal Communications Commissioner considers the powers of the networks equal to that of local, state, and Federal Governments all combined. Certainly it represents a concentration of power over American public opinion unknown in history. Now what do Americans know of the men who wield this power? Of the men who produce and direct the network news, the nation knows practically nothing. Of the commentators, most Americans know little other than that they reflect an urbane and assured presence seemingly well-informed on every important matter. We do know that to a man these commentators and producers live and work in the geographical and intellectual confines of Washington, D.C., or New York City, the latter of which James Reston terms the most unrepresentative community in the entire United States. Both communities bask in their own provincialism, their own parochialism
We can deduce that these men read the same newspa pers. they draw their political and social views from the same sources. worse, they talk constantly to one another, thereby provid ing artif icial reinf orcement to their shared view points. do they allow their biases to inf luence the selection and presenta tio n of the news? David brinkley states objectivity is impossible to normal human behavior. Rather, he says, we should strive for fairness Another anchorman on a network news show contends and i quote: You cant expunge all your private convictions just because you sit in a seat like this and a camera starts to stare at you. i think your program has to ref lect what your basic feelings are. I'll plead guilty to that. Less than a week before the 1968 election, this same commentator charged that President Nixons campaign commitments were no more durable than campaign balloons He cla imed that were it not for the fear of hostile reaction richard nixon would be giving into, and i quote him exactly, his natural instinct to smash the enemy with a club or go after him with a meat axe. Had this slander been made by one political cand idate about another, it would have been dismissed by most commentators as a partisan attack. But this attack emanated from the privile ged sanctuary of a network studio and therefore had the apparent dignity of an objective statement. The American people would rightly not tolerate this concentration of power in Government. Is it not fair and relevant to question its concentration in the hands of a tiny enclosed fraternity of privileged men elected by no one and enjoying a monopoly sanctioned and licensed by Government? The views of the majority of this fraternity do not --and I repeat, not --represent the views of America. That is why such a great gulf existed between how the nation received the president's address and how the networks reviewed it. Not only did the country receive the president ' s speech more warmly than the networks, but so also did the Congress of the United states Yesterday the president was notif ied that 300 individual Congressmen and 50 Senators of both parties had endorsed his efforts for peace. As with other American institutions perha ps it is time that the networks were made more responsive to the views of the nation and more responsible to the people they serve Now I want to make myself perfectly clear. I'm not asking for Government censorship or any other kind of censorship i am asking whether a form of censorship already exists when the news that 40 million Americans receive each night is determined by a handf ul of men responsible only to their corporate employers and is filtered through a handf ul of commentators who admit to their own set of biases
We can deduce that these men read the same newspapers. They draw their political and social views from the same sources. Worse, they talk constantly to one another, thereby providing artificial reinforcement to their shared viewpoints. Do they allow their biases to influence the selection and presentation of the news? David Brinkley states objectivity is impossible to normal human behavior. Rather, he says, we should strive for fairness. Another anchorman on a network news show contends, and I quote: “You can’t expunge all your private convictions just because you sit in a seat like this and a camera starts to stare at you. I think your program has to reflect what your basic feelings are. I’ll plead guilty to that.” Less than a week before the 1968 election, this same commentator charged that President Nixon’s campaign commitments were no more durable than campaign balloons. He claimed that, were it not for the fear of hostile reaction, Richard Nixon would be giving into, and I quote him exactly, “his natural instinct to smash the enemy with a club or go af ter him with a meat axe.” Had this slander been made by one political candidate about another, it would have been dismissed by most commentators as a partisan attack. But this attack emanated f rom the privileged sanctuary of a network studio and therefore had the apparent dignity of an objective statement. The American people would rightly not tolerate this concentration of power in Government. Is it not fair and relevant to question its concentration in the hands of a tiny, enclosed f raternity of privileged men elected by no one and enjoying a monopoly sanctioned and licensed by Government? The views of the majority of this f raternity do not -- and I repeat, not -- represent the views of America. That is why such a great gulf existed between how the nation received the President’s address and how the networks reviewed it. Not only did the country receive the President’s speech more warmly than the networks, but so also did the Congress of the United States. Yesterday, the President was notified that 300 individual Congressmen and 50 Senators of both parties had endorsed his efforts for peace. As with other American institutions, perhaps it is time that the networks were made more responsive to the views of the nation and more responsible to the people they serve. Now I want to make myself perfectly clear. I’m not asking for Government censorship or any other kind of censorship. I am asking whether a form of censorship already exists when the news that 40 million Americans receive each night is determined by a handful of men responsible only to their corporate employers and is filtered through a handful of commentators who admit to their own set of biases
The question I'm raising here tonight should have been raised by others long ago They should have been raised by those americans who have traditiona lly considered the preservation of freedom of speech and freedom of the press their special provinces of responsibility. They should have been raised by those Americans who share the view of the late Justice Learned Hand that right conclus ions are more likely to be gathered out of a multitude of tongues than through any kind of authoritative selection Advocates for the networks have claimed a first Amendment right to the same unlim ited freedoms held by the great newspapers of America But the situations are not identical. where the new york times reaches 800, 000 people, N B C. reaches 20 times that number on its evening news. [The average weekday circulation of the Times in October was 1, 012, 367: the average Sunday circulation was 1, 523, 558. ]Nor can the tremendo us impact of seeing televis ion film and hearing commentary be compared with reading the printed page a decade ago, before the network news acquired such dominance over public opinion, Walter Lippman s poke to the issue. He sa id there's an essential and radical dif ference between television and printing. The three or four competing television statio ns control virtually all that can be received over the air by ordinary television sets. But besides the mass circulation dailies there are weeklies monthlies out-of-town newspapers and books. If a man doesnt like his newspaper, he can ead another from out of town or wait for a weekly news magazine. It's not ideal, but it's inf initely better than the situation in television. There, if a man doesnt like what the networks are showing all he can do is turn them off and listen to a phonograph Networks,"he stated which are few in number have a virtual monopoly of a whole media of communications. "The newspaper of mass circulation have no monopoly on the medium of print. Now a virtual monopoly of a whole medium of communication is not something that democratic people should blindly ignore. And we are not going to cut off our televis ion sets and listen to the phonograph just because the airw ays belong to the networks. They dont. they belong to the people. as Justice Byron wrote in his landmark opinion six months ago, It's the right of the viewers and listeners not the right of the broadcasters, which is paramount. Now it 's argued that this power presents no danger in the hands of those who ha used it respons ibly. But as to whether or not the networks have abused the power they el let us call as our first witness, former Vice President Humphrey and the city of Chicago. According to Theodore White, television's intercutting of the film from the streets of Chicago with the "current proceedings on the floor of the political picture of 1968 nomination of a man for the american presidency by the bruta lity and violence of
The question I’m raising here tonight should have been raised by others long ago. They should have been raised by those Americans who have traditionally considered the preservation of f reedom of speech and f reedom of the press their special provinces of responsibility. They should have been raised by those Americans who share the view of the late Justice Learned Hand that right conclusions are more likely to be gathered out of a multitude of tongues than through any kind of authoritative selection. Advocates for the networks have claimed a First Amendment right to the same unlimited freedoms held by the great newspapers of America. But the situations are not identical. Where The New York Times reaches 800,000 people, N.B.C. reaches 20 times that number on its evening news. [The average weekday circulation of the Times in October was 1,012,367; the average Sunday circulation was 1,523,558.] Nor can the tremendous impact of seeing television film and hearing commentary be compared with reading the printed page. A decade ago, before the network news acquired such dominance over public opinion, Walter Lippman spoke to the issue. He said there’s an essential and radical dif ference between television and printing. The three or four competing television stations control virtually all that can be received over the air by ordinary television sets. But besides the mass circulation dailies, there are weeklies, monthlies, out-of-town newspapers and books. If a man doesn’t like his newspaper, he can read another f rom out of town or wait for a weekly news magazine. It’s not ideal, but it’s infinitely better than the situation in television. There, if a man doesn’t like what the networks are showing, all he can do is turn them of f and listen to a phonograph. "Networks," he stated "which are few in number have a virtual monopoly of a whole media of communications." The newspaper of mass circulation have no monopoly on the medium of print. Now a virtual monopoly of a whole medium of communication is not something that democratic people should blindly ignore. And we are not going to cut of f our television sets and listen to the phonograph just because the airways belong to the networks. They don’t. They belong to the people. As Justice Byron wrote in his landmark opinion six months ago, "It’s the right of the viewers and listeners, not the right of the broadcasters, which is paramount." Now it’s argued that this power presents no danger in the hands of those who have used it responsibly. But as to whether or not the networks have abused the power they enjoy, let us call as our first witness, former Vice President Humphrey and the city of Chicago. According to Theodore White, television’s intercutting of the film f rom the streets of Chicago with the "current proceedings on the floor of the convention created the most striking and false political picture of 1968 -- the nomination of a man for the American Presidency by the brutality and violence of merciless police