Franklin d. roosevelt The four freedoms Mr Speaker, members of the 77th Congress I address you, the members of this new Congress, at a moment unprecedented the history of the union. I use the word unprecedented"because at no prev ious time has American secur ity been as seriously threate ned from without as it is to day Since the permanent formation of our government under the Constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. And fortunately, only one of these-the four-year war between the states -ever threatened our national unity. Today, thank God, 130,000, 000 Americans in forty-eight States have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity It is true that prior to 1914 the Un ited states of ten has been disturbed by events in other continents. We have even engaged in two wars with European nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the west indies in the mediterranean and in the Pacif ic, for the maintenance of American rights and for the princip les of peacef ul commerce. But in no case has a serious threat been raised aga inst our national safety or our continued independence What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United States as a nation has at all times mainta ined oppos ition -clear, def inite oppos ition -to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient Chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. Today thinking of our children and of their children we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the Americas That determination of ours, extending over all these years, was proved, for example, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the french Revolution. While the Napoleon ic strugg le did threaten interests of the United States because of the french foothold in the west ind ies and in lo uis iana and while e engaged in the War of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that ne ither france nor great Britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world And in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914-ninety-nine years-no single war in Europe or in Asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other american nation Except in the Maximilia n interlude in Mex ico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. And friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength Even when the World War broke out in 1914 it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own American future. But as time went on, as we remember the American people began to visua lize what the downf all of democratic nations might
Franklin D. Roosevelt: The Four Freedoms Mr. Speaker, members of the 77th Congress: I address you, the members of this new Congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. I use the word “unprecedented” because at no previous time has American security been as seriously threatened f rom without as it is today. Since the permanent formation of our government under the Constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. And, fortunately, only one of these—the four-year war between the States—ever threatened our national unity. Today, thank God, 130,000,000 Americans in forty-eight States have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity. It is true that prior to 1914 the United States of ten has been disturbed by events in other continents. We have even engaged in two wars with European nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the West Indies, in the Mediterranean and in the Pacific, for the maintenance of American rights and f or the Principles of peaceful commerce. But in no case has a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence. What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United States as a nation has at all times maintained opposition—clear, definite opposition—to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient Chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. Today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the Americas. That determination of ours, extending over all these years, was proved, for example, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the French Revolution. While the Napoleonic struggle did threaten interests of the United States because of the French foothold in the West Indies and in Louisiana, and while we engaged in the War of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither France nor Great Britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world. And in like fashion, f rom 1815 to 1914—ninety-nine years—no single war in Europe or in Asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other American nation. Except in the Maximilian interlude in Mexico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. And f riendly strength; it is still a f riendly strength. Even when the World War broke out in 1914 it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own American future. But as time went on, as we remember, the American people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might
mean to our own democracy. Ve need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of Versailles. We need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. We should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacif ication which began even before Munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent The American people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny I sup pose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world -assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaga nda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace During sixteen long months this assault has blotted out the w hole pattern of democratic life in an a ppa lling num ber of independent nations, great and small. And the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations great and small Therefore, as your President, performing my constitutional duty to give to the Congress inf ormation of the state of the union, I find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. If that defense fails, all the popu lation and all the resources of Europe and Asia, Africa and Australia will be dom inated by conquerors. And let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those popu lations and their resources greatly exceeds sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the Western Hemisphere-yes, many times over In times like these it is immature- and, inc identally untrue-for any body to brag that an unpre America, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back can hold off th ole world No realistic American can expect from a dictator's peace international generos ity, or return of true independence or world disarmament or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion -or even good business. Such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety As a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we cannot
mean to our own democracy. We need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of Versailles. We need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. We should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before Munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today. The American people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny. I suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world—assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace. During six teen long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. And the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small. Therefore, as your President, performing my constitutional duty to “give to the Congress information of the state of the union,” I find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders. Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. If that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of Europe and Asia, Af rica and Australia will be dominated by conquerors. And let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly exceeds the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the Western Hemisphere—yes, many times over. In times like these it is immature— and, incidentally, untrue—for anybody to brag that an unprepared America, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold of f the whole world. No realistic American can expect f rom a dictator’s peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion—or even good business. Such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. Those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety. As a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are sof t-hearted; but we cannot
afford to be sof t-headed We must always be wary of those who with soundi brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the ism of appeasement. We must especially are of that small group of self ish men who would clip the w ings of the American le in order to feather their own nests I have recently pointed out how quick ly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventua ly expect if the dictator nation win this war There is much loose ta lk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas. Obviously, as long as the british Navy reta ins its power no such danger exists. Even if there were no british Navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by land ing troops in the United States from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate But we learn much from the lessons of the past years in Europe -particularly the lesson of Norway whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years The first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regula troops. The necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupes -and great numbers of them are already here and in Latin America As long as the aggressor nations mainta in the offensive they not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack And that is why the future of all the American Republics is today in serious danger. That is why this annual message to the Congress is unique in our history. That is why every member of the executive branch of the government and every member of the Congress face great responsibility -great account The need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily -aImost exc lus ively-to meeting this foreign peril. For all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency Just as our national policy in internal aff airs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and dign ity of all our fellow men within our gates so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the dig nity of all nations large and small. And the justice of mora lity must and w ill w in in the end Our national policy is this First, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to
afford to be sof t-headed. We must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the ism of appeasement. We must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the American eagle in order to feather their own nests. I have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually expect if the dictator nation win this war. There is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion f rom across the seas. Obviously, as long as the British Navy retains its power, no such danger exists. Even if there were no British Navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the United States f rom across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases f rom which to operate. But we learn much f rom the lessons of the past years in Europe—particularly the lesson of Norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years. The first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. The necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupes—and great numbers of them are already here and in Latin America. As long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack. And that is why the future of all the American Republics is today in serious danger. That is why this annual message to the Congress is unique in our history. That is why every member of the executive branch of the government and every member of the Congress face great responsibility—great accountability. The need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily—almost exclusively—to meeting this foreign peril. For all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency. Just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small. And the justice of morality must and will win in the end. Our national policy is this: First, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to
partisanship we are committed to all-inclusive national defense. Second by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisans hip, we are committed to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggress ion and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. by this support we express our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation Third, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principle of mora lity and considerations for our own secur ity will never perm it us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. We know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people's freedom In the recent natio nal election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. No issue was fought out on the line before the American electorate. And today it is abundantly evide nt that American citizens everyw here are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger. Therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armame production. Leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. Goals of speed have been set. In some cases these goals are be ing reached ahead of time. In some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays. And in some cases-and i am sorry to say very important cases e are all concerned by the slow ness of the accomplishment of our plans The Army and Navy however, have made substantial progress during the past year. Actual experience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. And today's best is not good enough for tomorrow. I am not satisf ied with the progress thus far made. The men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability and in patriotism. They are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. None of us will be satisf ied until the job is done No matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results To give you two illustrations e are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes We are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up
partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense. Second, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away f rom our hemisphere. By this support we express our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation. Third, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principle of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. We know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people's f reedom. In the recent national election there was no substantial dif ference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. No issue was fought out on the line before the American electorate. And today it is abundantly evident that American citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger. Therefore, the immediate need is a swif t and driving increase in our armament production. Leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. Goals of speed have been set. In some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time. In some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays. And in some cases—and, I am sorry to say, very important cases -- we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans. The Army and Navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year. Actual experience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. And today's best is not good enough for tomorrow. I am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. The men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability and in patriotism. They are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. None of us will be satisfied until the job is done. No matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results. To give you two illustrations: We are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes. We are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up
We are ahead of schedule in building warships but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule To change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task. The greatest dif f iculty comes at the beg inning of the program, when new tools, and new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new shipways must f irst be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them The Congress of course, must rightly keep itself inf ormed at all times of the progress of the program. However, there is certain information, as the Congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting must of needs be kept in conf idence New circumstances are constantly be getting new needs for our safety. I shall ask this Congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun. I also ask this Congress for authority and for funds suff icient to manuf acture additional munitions and war supp lies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. Our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. they do not need manpower but they do need bill ions of dollars worth of the weapons of defense The time is near when they will not be a ble to pay for them all in ready cash. We cannot, and we will not tell them that they must surrender merely because of present ina bility to pay for the weapons which we know they must have i do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons--a loan to be repaid in do llars. I recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the United States, f itting their orders into our own program. And nearly all of their material would if the time ever came be useful in our own defense Taking counsel of expert military and naval author ities, considering what is best for our own security we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by the ir determ ined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense For what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time follow ing the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materia ls, or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which we need Let us say to the democracies: We americans are vita lly concerned in your defense
We are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule. To change a whole nation f rom a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task. The greatest dif ficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, and new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily f rom them. The Congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program. However, there is certain information, as the Congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence. New circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. I shall ask this Congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun. I also ask this Congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. Our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. They do not need manpower, but they do need billions of dollars’ worth of the weapons of defense. The time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash. We cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have. I do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons -- a loan to be repaid in dollars. I recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the United States, fitting their orders into our own program. And nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense. Taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are f ree to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our f riends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense. For what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which we need. Let us say to the democracies: "We Americans are vitally concerned in your defense