Dwight d. eisen hower "Atoms for Peace M adam President and members of the general Assembly: When Secretary General Hammarskjold's invitation to address this general Assembly reached me in Bermuda, I was just beginning a series of conf erences with the prime min isters and Foreign min isters of great Britain and of france. Our subject was some of the problems that beset our world During the remainder of the Bermuda Conference, i had consta ntly in mind that ahead of me lay a great honor. That honor is m ine to day, as i stand here, priv ile ged to address the general assembly of the United Nations. At the same time that I apprecia te the distinction of addressing you, I have a of exhilaration as I look upon this assembly. Never bef ore in history has so me hope for so many pe ple been gathered together in a single organization. Your deliberations and decis ions during these somber years have already realized part of those hopes But the great tests and the great accomplishments still lie ahead. And in the conf ident expectation of those accomp lis hments, i would use the off ice which, for the time being I ho ld, to assure you that the government of the United states will remain steadf ast in its support of this body. This we sha ll do in the conv iction that you will provide a great share of the wisdom of the courage, and the faith which can bring to this world lasting peace for all nations and ha ppiness and we ll-be ing for all Clearly it would not be fitting for me to take this occasion to present to you a unilateral American report on Bermuda. Nevertheless, I assure you that in our deliberations on that lovely is land we sought to invoke those same great concepts of universal peace and human dig nity which are so cleanly etched in your Charter Neither wou ld it be a measure of this great opportun ity merely to recite, however hopef ully, pious platitudes I therefore decided that this occasion warranted my saying to you some of the things that have been on the minds and hearts of my legis lative and executive associates, and on mine, for a great many months - thoughts i had originally planned to say primarily to the American people I know that the American people share my deep belief that f a danger exists in the world, it is a danger shared by al; and equa lly that if hope exists in the mind of one nation, that hope should be shared by all Finally, if there is to be advanced any proposal designed to ease even by the
Dwight D. Eisenhower: "Atoms for Peace" Madam President and Members of the General Assembly: When Secretary General Hammarskjold’s invitation to address this General Assembly reached me in Bermuda, I was just beginning a series of conferences with the Prime Ministers and Foreign Ministers of Great Britain and of France. Our subject was some of the problems that beset our world. During the remainder of the Bermuda Conference, I had constantly in mind that ahead of me lay a great honor. That honor is mine today, as I stand here, privileged to address the General Assembly of the United Nations. At the same time that I appreciate the distinction of addressing you, I have a sense of exhilaration as I look upon this Assembly. Never before in history has so much hope for so many people been gathered together in a single organization. Your deliberations and decisions during these somber years have already realized part of those hopes. But the great tests and the great accomplishments still lie ahead. And in the confident expectation of those accomplishments, I would use the office which, for the time being, I hold, to assure you that the Government of the United States will remain steadfast in its support of this body. This we shall do in the conviction that you will provide a great share of the wisdom, of the courage, and the faith which can bring to this world lasting peace for all nations, and happiness and well-being for all men. Clearly, it would not be fitting for me to take this occasion to present to you a unilateral American report on Bermuda. Nevertheless, I assure you that in our deliberations on that lovely island we sought to invoke those same great concepts of universal peace and human dignity which are so cleanly etched in your Charter. Neither would it be a measure of this great opportunity merely to recite, however hopefully, pious platitudes. I therefore decided that this occasion warranted my saying to you some of the things that have been on the minds and hearts of my legislative and executive associates, and on mine, for a great many months -- thoughts I had originally planned to say primarily to the American people. I know that the American people share my deep belief that if a danger exists in the world, it is a danger shared by all; and equally, that if hope exists in the mind of one nation, that hope should be shared by all. Finally, if there is to be advanced any proposal designed to ease even by the
smallest measure the te nsions of today's world, what more appropriate aud ience could there be than the members of the general assembly of the United Nations. I feel impelled to speak today in a language that in a sense is new, one which I, who have spent so much of my life in the military prof ession, would have preferred never to use. That new language is the language of atomic warfare. The atomic age has moved forward at such a pace that every citizen of the world should have some comprehens ion at least in comparative terms, of the extent of this deve lopment, of the utmost signif icance to everyone of us. Clearly, if the peoples of the world are to conduct an intelligent search for peace, they must be armed with the signif icant facts of today s existence My recital of atomic danger and power is necessarily stated in Un ited States terms, for these are the only incontrovertible facts that I know. I need hardly point out to this assembly however, that this subject is global, not merely natio nal in character. On July 16, 1945, the United States set off the world's first atomic explosion Since that date in 1945, the Un ited states of America has conducted forty-two test explos ions. Atomic bom bs today are more than twenty-five times as powerful as the weapons with which the atomic age daw ned while hydrogen weapons are in the ranges of millions of tons of TNT equivalent Today, the United States stockpile of atomic weapons, which of course increases daily exceeds by many times the total [explosive equivalent of the total of al bombs and all shells that came from every plane and every gun in every theatre of war in all the years of World War Il. A sing le air group, whether af loat or land based, can now deliver to any reachable target a destructive cargo exceeding in power all the bombs that fell on Britain in all of World War II. In size and variety, the development of atomic weapons has been no less remarkable. The development has been such that atom ic weapons have virtually achieved conventional status within our armed services In the United States, the army, the Navy, the Air Force and the marine Corps are all capable of putting this weapon to mil itary use. But the dread secret and the fearful engines of atomic might are not ours alone In the first place, the secret is possessed by our friends and allies, Great Brita in and Canada, whose scientif ic genius made a tremendous contribution to our original discoveries and the designs of atomic bombs The secret is also known by the soviet Union The Soviet Union has informed us that, over recent years, it has devoted extensive
smallest measure the tensions of today’s world, what more appropriate audience could there be than the members of the General Assembly of the United Nations. I feel impelled to speak today in a language that in a sense is new, one which I, who have spent so much of my life in the military profession, would have preferred never to use. That new language is the language of atomic warfare. The atomic age has moved forward at such a pace that every citizen of the world should have some comprehension, at least in comparative terms, of the extent of this development, of the utmost significance to everyone of us. Clearly, if the peoples of the world are to conduct an intelligent search for peace, they must be armed with the significant facts of today’s existence. My recital of atomic danger and power is necessarily stated in United States terms, for these are the only incontrovertible facts that I know. I need hardly point out to this Assembly, however, that this subject is global, not merely national in character. On July 16, 1945, the United States set of f the world’s first atomic explosion. Since that date in 1945, the United States of America has conducted forty-two test explosions. Atomic bombs today are more than twenty-five times as powerful as the weapons with which the atomic age dawned, while hydrogen weapons are in the ranges of millions of tons of TNT equivalent. Today, the United States stockpile of atomic weapons, which, of course, increases daily, exceeds by many times the total [explosive] equivalent of the total of all bombs and all shells that came f rom every plane and every gun in every theatre of war in all the years of World War II. A single air group, whether afloat or land based, can now deliver to any reachable target a destructive cargo exceeding in power all the bombs that fell on Britain in all of World War II. In size and variety, the development of atomic weapons has been no less remarkable. The development has been such that atomic weapons have virtually achieved conventional status within our armed services. In the United States, the Army, the Navy, the Air Force, and the Marine Corps are all capable of putting this weapon to military use. But the dread secret and the fearful engines of atomic might are not ours alone. In the first place, the secret is possessed by our f riends and allies, Great Britain and Canada, whose scientific genius made a tremendous contribution to our original discoveries and the designs of atomic bombs. The secret is also known by the Soviet Union. The Soviet Union has informed us that, over recent years, it has devoted extensive
resources to atomic weapons. during this period the soviet Union has exploded a series of atomic devices, including at least one involv ing thermo-nuclear reactions If at one time the Unites states possessed what mig ht have been called a monopoly of atomic power, that monopoly ceased to exist several years ago Therefore, althoug h our earlier start has permitted us to accumulate what is today a great quantitative advantage, the atomic realities of today comprehend two facts of even greater significance. First, the know ledge now possessed by several na tio ns will eventually be shared by others, possibly all others Second even a vast superiority in numbers of weapons and a consequent capability of devastating retaliation, is no preventive, of itself, against the fearful material damage and toll of human lives that would be inf licted by surprise aggression The free world at least dimly aware of these facts has naturally embarked on a large program of warning and defense systems. That program will be accelerated and expanded. But let no one think that the expenditure of vast sums for weapons and systems of def ense can guarantee absolute safety for the cities and citizens of any nation. The awf ul arithme tic of the atomic bomb does not permit of any such easy solution. Even against the most powerful defense an aggressor in possession of the effective minim um number of atomic bombs for a surprise attack could probably place a sufficient number of his bombs on the chosen targets to cause hideous damage Should such an atom ic attack be launched against the United states, our reactions ould be swift and resolute. But for me to say that the defense capabilities of the United States are such that they could inf lict terrible losses upon an aggressor, for me to say that the retaliation capabilities of the Unites States are so great that such an aggressor's land would be la id waste all this, while fact, is not the true expression of the purpose and the hope of the United States To pause there would be to conf irm the hopeless finality of a belief that two atomic colossi are doomed ma levolently to eye each other indef in ite ly across a tremb ling orld To stop there would be to accept he lplessly the proba bility of civilization destroyed, the annihilation of the irreplaceable her itage of mankind handed down to use generation from generation and the condemnation of mankind to begin all over again the age-old struggle upward from savagery toward decency, and right, and justice. Surely no sane member of the human race could discover victory in such desolation Could anyo ne wish his name to be coup led by history with such human degradatic and destruction? Occasional pages of history do record the faces of the great destroyers but the whole book of history reveals mankinds never-ending quest for peace and mankind's God-given capacity to build
resources to atomic weapons. During this period the Soviet Union has exploded a series of atomic devices, including at least one involving thermo-nuclear reactions. If at one time the Unites States possessed what might have been called a monopoly of atomic power, that monopoly ceased to exist several years ago. Therefore, although our earlier start has permitted us to accumulate what is today a great quantitative advantage, the atomic realities of today comprehend two facts of even greater significance. First, the knowledge now possessed by several nations will eventually be shared by others, possibly all others. Second, even a vast superiority in numbers of weapons, and a consequent capability of devastating retaliation, is no preventive, of itself, against the fearful material damage and toll of human lives that would be inflicted by surprise aggression. The free world, at least dimly aware of these facts, has naturally embarked on a large program of warning and defense systems. That program will be accelerated and expanded. But let no one think that the expenditure of vast sums for weapons and systems of defense can guarantee absolute safety for the cities and citizens of any nation. The awful arithmetic of the atomic bomb does not permit of any such easy solution. Even against the most powerful defense, an aggressor in possession of the effective minimum number of atomic bombs for a surprise attack could probably place a sufficient number of his bombs on the chosen targets to cause hideous damage. Should such an atomic attack be launched against the United States, our reactions would be swif t and resolute. But for me to say that the defense capabilities of the United States are such that they could inflict terrible losses upon an aggressor, for me to say that the retaliation capabilities of the Unites States are so great that such an aggressor’s land would be laid waste, all this, while fact, is not the true expression of the purpose and the hope of the United States. To pause there would be to confirm the hopeless finality of a belief that two atomic colossi are doomed malevolently to eye each other indefinitely across a trembling world. To stop there would be to accept helplessly the probability of civilization destroyed, the annihilation of the irreplaceable heritage of mankind handed down to use generation f rom generation, and the condemnation of mankind to begin all over again the age-old struggle upward f rom savagery toward decency, and right, and justice. Surely no sane member of the human race could discover victory in such desolation. Could anyone wish his name to be coupled by history with such human degradation and destruction? Occasional pages of history do record the faces of the “great destroyers,” but the whole book of history reveals mankind’s never -ending quest for peace and mankind’s God-given capacity to build
It is w ith the book of history and not with isolated pages, that the United states w ill ever wish to be identif ied. My country wants to be constructive, not destructive. It ants agreements, not wars, among nations. It wants itself to live in freedom and in the conf idence that the people of every other nation enjoy equa lly the right of choosing their own way of life my country's purpose is to help us to move out of the dark chamber of horrors the light to find a way by which the minds of men, the hopes of men, the souls of men everywhere, can move forward towards peace and happiness and ell-being In this quest, I know that we must not lack patience. i know that in a world div ided, such as ours today, salvation cannot be attained by one dramatic act I know that many steps will have to be taken over many months before the world can look at itself one day and truly realize that a new climate of mutually peacef ul confidence is abroad in the world but i know above all else that we must start to take these steps now The United States and its allies, great Britain and france, have, over the past months, tried to take some of these steps. Let no one say that we shun the conference table. On the record has long stood the request of the United States, Great Britain, and france to negotiate w ith the Soviet Un ion the problems of a div ided germany. On that record has long stood the request of the same three nations to negotiate an Austrian peace treaty. On the same record still stands the request of the United Nations to negotiate the problems of Korea Most recently we have received from the Soviet Union what is in effect an expression of willing ness to hold a four-Power meeting. Along w ith our a ll ies, Great br ita in a nd France, we were pleased to see that his note did not conta in the unacceptable pre-conditions previo usly put forward. As you already know from our joint Bermuda communique, the United States, Great Brita in and france have agreed promptly to meet with the soviet union The Government of the United States approaches this conference with hopeful sincerity. We will bend every effort of our minds to the sing le purpose of emerging from that conference with tangible results towards peace, the only true way of lessening international tension. We never have, we never will, propose or suggest that the sov iet Union surrender what is rightly the irs. We will never say that th people of the Russia are an enemy with whom we have no desire ever to dea mingle in friendly and fruitful relationship. On the contrary, we hope that this com ing conference may initiate a relationship with the sov iet Union which will eventua lly bring about a free intermingling of the peoples of the East and of the West - the one sure, human way of developing the understanding required for conf ident and peacef ul relations
It is with the book of history, and not with isolated pages, that the United States will ever wish to be identified. My country wants to be constructive, not destructive. It wants agreements, not wars, among nations. It wants itself to live in f reedom and in the confidence that the people of every other nation enjoy equally the right of choosing their own way of life. So my country’s purpose is to help us to move out of the dark chamber of horrors into the light, to find a way by which the minds of men, the hopes of men, the souls of men everywhere, can move forward towards peace and happiness and well-being. In this quest, I know that we must not lack patience. I know that in a world divided, such as ours today, salvation cannot be attained by one dramatic act. I know that many steps will have to be taken over many months before the world can look at itself one day and truly realize that a new climate of mutually peaceful confidence is abroad in the world. But I know, above all else, that we must start to take these steps now. The United States and its allies, Great Britain and France, have, over the past months, tried to take some of these steps. Let no one say that we shun the conference table. On the record has long stood the request of the United States, Great Britain, and France to negotiate with the Soviet Union the problems of a divided Germany. On that record has long stood the request of the same three nations to negotiate an Austrian peace treaty. On the same record still stands the request of the United Nations to negotiate the problems of Korea. Most recently we have received f rom the Soviet Union what is in effect an expression of willingness to hold a four-Power meeting. Along with our allies, Great Britain and France, we were pleased to see that his note did not contain the unacceptable pre-conditions previously put forward. As you already know f rom our joint Bermuda communiqué, the United States, Great Britain, and France have agreed promptly to meet with the Soviet Union. The Government of the United States approaches this conference with hopeful sincerity. We will bend every effort of our minds to the single purpose of emerging from that conference with tangible results towards peace, the only true way of lessening international tension. We never have, we never will, propose or suggest that the Soviet Union surrender what is rightly theirs. We will never say that the people of the Russia are an enemy with whom we have no desire ever to deal or mingle in f riendly and f ruitful relationship. On the contrary, we hope that this coming conference may initiate a relationship with the Soviet Union which will eventually bring about a f ree intermingling of the peoples of the East and of the West -- the one sure, human way of developing the understanding required for confident and peaceful relations
Instead of the discontent w hich is now settling upon Eastern Germany occupied Austria, and the countries of Eastern Europe we seek a harmonio us family of free European nations, with none a threat to the other and least of all a threat to the peoples of the Russia. Beyond the turmoil and strife and misery of Asia, we seek peaceful opportunity for these peoples to deve lop the ir natural resources and to elevate their lives These are not idle words or shallow visions. Behind them lies a story of nations lately come to independence not as a result of war, but through free grant or peacef ul negotiation There is a record already written of assistance gladly given by nations of the West to needy peoples and to those suffering the temporary effects of famine drought and natural disaster. These are deeds of peace. they speak more loudly than promises or protestations of peaceful intent. But I do not wish to rest either upon the reiteration of past proposals or the restatement of past deeds. the gravity of the time is such that every new avenue of peace, no matter how dimly discernible, should be explored. There is at least one new avenue of peace which has not yet been well explored -- an avenue now laid out by the general Assembly of the Unites Nations In its resolution of November 18, 1953 this General assembly suggested - and I quote --"that the disarmament Commiss ion study the desirability of establishing a sub-committee consisting of representatives of the powers principa lly involved which shou ld seek in private an acceptable solution and report such a solution to the General assembly and to the security Council not later than September 1, of 1954. The United States, heed ing the suggestion of the General Assembly of the United Nations, is instantly prepared to meet private ly with such other countr ies as may be ta ble solution" to the aton laments race which overshadows not only the peace, but the very life of the world. We shall carry into these private or diplomatic talks a new conception The Un ited states would seek more than the mere reduction or elim ination of atomic materials for military purposes. It is not enough to take this weapon out of the hands of the soldiers. It must be put into the hands of those who will know how to strip its military casing and adapt it to the arts of peace The Un ited States knows that if the fearful trend of atomic military build-up can be reversed, this greatest of destructive forces can be developed into a great boon, for the benef it of all mankind. The United states knows that peaceful power from atomic energy is no dream of the future. That capability already proved is here, now, today. who can doubt if the entire body of the world s scientists and engineers had adequate amounts of fissionable mater ial w ith w hich to test and develop their ideas, that this capability would rapidly be transformed into universal, eff icient and economic usage?
Instead of the discontent which is now settling upon Eastern Germany, occupied Austria, and the countries of Eastern Europe, we seek a harmonious family of free European nations, with none a threat to the other, and least of all a threat to the peoples of the Russia. Beyond the turmoil and strife and misery of Asia, we seek peaceful opportunity for these peoples to develop their natural resources and to elevate their lives. These are not idle words or shallow visions. Behind them lies a story of nations lately come to independence, not as a result of war, but through f ree grant or peaceful negotiation. There is a record already written of assistance gladly given by nations of the West to needy peoples and to those suffering the temporary effects of famine, drought, and natural disaster. These are deeds of peace. They speak more loudly than promises or protestations of peaceful intent. But I do not wish to rest either upon the reiteration of past proposals or the restatement of past deeds. The gravity of the time is such that every new avenue of peace, no matter how dimly discernible, should be explored. There is at least one new avenue of peace which has not yet been well explored -- an avenue now laid out by the General Assembly of the Unites Nations. In its resolution of November 18, 1953 this General Assembly suggested -- and I quote -- “that the Disarmament Commission study the desirability of establishing a sub-committee consisting of representatives of the Powers principally involved, which should seek in private an acceptable solution and report such a solution to the General Assembly and to the Security Council not later than September 1, of 1954.” The United States, heeding the suggestion of the General Assembly of the United Nations, is instantly prepared to meet privately with such other countries as may be “principally involved,” to seek “an acceptable solution” to the atomic armaments race which overshadows not only the peace, but the very life of the world. We shall carry into these private or diplomatic talks a new conception. The United States would seek more than the mere reduction or elimination of atomic materials for military purposes. It is not enough to take this weapon out of the hands of the soldiers. It must be put into the hands of those who will know how to strip its military casing and adapt it to the arts of peace. The United States knows that if the fearful trend of atomic military build-up can be reversed, this greatest of destructive forces can be developed into a great boon, for the benefit of all mankind. The United States knows that peaceful power from atomic energy is no dream of the future. That capability, already proved, is here, now, today. Who can doubt, if the entire body of the world’s scientists and engineers had adequate amounts of fissionable material with which to test and develop their ideas, that this capability would rapidly be transformed into universal, efficient, and economic usage?